A socialist city is mainly associated with the imperial architecture of Minsk or East Berlin, the functional division into districts, monumental public buildings, or housing developments. This article aims at restructuring the prospect of city development in the first post-war period, i.e. 1945-1949. Based on the example of Łódź – Poland’s biggest city in view of the demolished Warsaw as well as the working-class capital of textiles – I reconstruct modernisation discourses in press, showing that in the first period of the reconstruction, modest suggestions as to the city development were made, ones adjusted to the needs of its inhabitants and the comfort of everyday life. It was only with the aggravation of the political course after the year 1948 when these were replaced with more daring prospects of a socialist city, gigantic investments, and the construction of new districts for the working-class masses.
The purpose of the article is to theoretically analyse the nature and characteristics of territorial capital. The article examines the conceptual framework of this notion to identify its originality and added value. The applied research method is literature review. The concept of territorial capital amalgamates numerous findings from endogenous approaches to development. Its originality derives from a holistic and complementary perspective on territorial resources, which give rise to new development trajectories and foster territorial specificity. This concept emphasises the significance of network relationships and the intangibility of resources, along with their embeddedness. It highlights the importance of place specificity and territorial capabilities in creating new values and resources. It forms the basis for place-based development policy.
The aim of the French territorial reform from December 2010 was to change the structure of the French local political and administrative system thanks to institutional solutions that would strengthen the biggest agglomerations and lead to their progressive metropolization. The announced changes were meant to adjust the model of territorial organization to the requirements of contemporary economy and to enhance national economic growth of the country in stagnation. The introduction in the law of metropolises as new local-government territorial units that took over the most important competences of municipalities and departments was meant as a “territorial revolution”. Unfortunately, it failed. Meanwhile, the regulations that would make it possible to create a rather loose form of interterritorial cooperation, a so-called Metropolitan Pole, that were inserted into the project at the last moment, gave results unexpected by the legislator. This situation shows the growing importance of flexible solutions regarding competences and territory, solutions that use multilevel governance as an effective tool for inter-territorial management in the situation of inertia of the classical territorial structure and obstacles to its reform.
The paper is devoted to analysis of the changes of Cohesion policy (more broadly: development policy) in the period 2014?2020. The author analyzes key documents influencing final solutions for that period. On top of that, he analyzes phenomena that can hamper changes, in particular, indecisiveness and leniency of managing services, tolerating negative phenomena like goal substitution and other manoeuvres leading to money spending instead of goal attainment. The author also considers why and to what extent the analyzed hazards may reduce the revolutionary character of long expected reforms.
The article addresses the nature of offshoring, a phenomenon which names the migration of jobs, but not the people who perform them, from rich countries to the poor ones. Due to fast development of technology, information flow around the globe is getting cheaper and easier. Thus, the group of tradable goods and services is constantly growing. This change will become as meaningful in its consequences as two Industrial Revolutions. The development of offshoring will become a massive challenge bringing wrenching social changes. Moreover, rich countries will have to modify their systems of education or social security net in order to adjust. themselves to new reality, and they have not done much yet. The conclusion presents the possible directions of these changes.
