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Search for phrase: "russian aggression"
Svitlana Babushko, Nataliia Opanasiuk

It is expected that people from all over the world will visit Ukraine after its victory in the war against Russian aggression, turning Ukraine into a world-popular tourist destination. Hence, Ukrainian egislation on tourism must be improved in the post-war period. The authors analysed the current legislation on tourism in Ukraine and identified major problems that must be addressed systematically and those that should be settled in the post-war period in view of the post-war humanitarian, socio-economic, institutional, and cultural challenges. In this context, the authors proposed a set of changes to improve Ukraine’s legislation on tourism on the national and institutional levels. Such changes should positively impact other socio-economic processes of reconstruction in post-war Ukraine.

Oleh Petryshyn

This article examines the potential risks of permanent population loss in Ukraine on account of Russian military actions dating back to 2014, which has hindered the ability of the stronghold territorial communities to recover. It outlines the context of displacement in Ukraine over the past eight years, assesses displaced people’s direct needs and considers both national and local policies to meet them. Finally, it forecasts factors that will impact the reluctance of displaced persons to return to the stronghold territories and details the necessary national and local responses.

Nataliya A. Vinnykova, Ruslan O. Zaporozhchenko

The war initiated by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2022 can be seen as a drastic shock event with unpredictable long-term socio-political consequences at the national, regional and global levels. This study aims to identify the impact of war-related disturbances on the dynamics of social cleavages in Ukraine, in particular the possibility of deepening or diminishing such cleavages or promoting the occurrence of new ones. For decades, the internal partition of Ukraine into East and West has been attributed to national self-identification, linguistic and religious peculiarities and the geopolitical preferences of residents of different regions. Shortly before and after the outbreak of the Russian invasion, fundamental changes in Ukrainian society and domestic politics became evident, some of which can be interpreted as signs of the mitigation of social cleavages. Our findings revealed at least two significant shifts in these ‘old’, traditional cleavages: one occurred after the Revolution of Dignity and the annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014, and the second one is emerging now, due to the full-scale war on Ukrainian territory against the Ukrainian people. More broadly, this research aims to assess the resilience of social cleavages in the face of a shock event.

Olha Mulska, Ihor Baranyak, Iryna Demkiv

This article reveals the geographical distribution, structures, and problematic aspects of business migration to the oblasts of the Carpathian region of Ukraine and abroad. In the context of the Russian–Ukrainian war, the article assesses the risks and threats that internal and international business migration pose to the Ukrainian economic system, economies of the Carpathian region, the internal consumer market, and business entities. Measures to mitigate the threats of business migration to the Carpathian region are offered. The implementation of certain measures will eliminate the identified threats to relocated businesses and minimise the risks to the social and economic development of the Carpathian region and Ukraine as a whole.

Roman Tesliuk

This paper addresses the changes in the demographic development of Ukraine in the last 125 years in quantitative parameters of demographic sustainability: alterations in population size, its gender and age structure, and natural and migration movement. Demographic sustainability is considered to be the capacity of a country’s or a region’s demography to preserve a consistent population size with optimal proportions between its age categories. Eight historical-demographic stages related to specific military-political and socio-economic events are outlined and analysed. Demographic catastrophes and crises in Ukraine were directly related to the aggression of totalitarian regimes. They occurred at the initial stages of demographic transition, so Ukraine was capable of restoring the population size, albeit with deeply disturbed demographic structures. The large-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine increases the risk of the occurrence of a modern demographic catastrophe. Nowadays, the demographic sustainability of Ukraine cannot be achieved autonomously without the positive impact of external factors – the respective governmental demographic and socio-economic policies.

Svitlana Kuzikova, Valeriy Zlyvkov, Svitlana Lukomska, Tetiana Shcherbak, Olha Skyba, Borys Kuzikov

The article is devoted to determining the specifics of war injuries among people of various ages living in the deoccupied Kyiv and Kharkiv regions of Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to determine the residents’ traumatic experience in the de-occupied territories of Ukraine caused by the Russian-Ukrainian war. The direct effects of PTSD concern intimate relationships such as marriage, social interactions, decreased productivity, and decreased resilience. This study shows that PTSD symptoms are more common for respondents over fifty years of age, who have deficit of social resources. It has been proven that the severity of PTSD symptoms in the residents of the deoccupied Kharkiv region is statistically significantly lower than the symptoms of the residents of the de-occupied Kyiv region, which is due to the longer occupation and more pronounced joy from liberation. Therefore, the appearance of PTSD symptoms in a more delayed period is likely.

Mykola Palinchak, Kateryna Brenzovych, Viktoriya Mashkara-Choknadiy, Yuriy Mayboroda

The military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which started in 2014 and came to another active phase in February 2022, may change Ukraine’s foreign trade in terms of both its geography and product structure. The regions of Ukraine will not only have to recover from the consequences of destruction, but also to seek new directions of foreign economic activity and build connections with reliable partners such as the European Union and the United States. The paper presents an analysis of changes in the foreign trade of Ukraine and its regions since 2014 and examines shifts in trade flows in the direction of Western leaders of global trade. The case of Georgia, another target of Russian military intervention, in the reorientation of its trade flows, is also considered.

Svitlana Karvatska, Yevheniya Yuriychuk, Olha Chepel

The article considers the peculiarities of local government reform based on the examples of Ukraine, Poland, and Latvia. It is substantiated that the Ukrainian vector of European integration requires the implementation of the principles of deconcentration, decentralisation, and subsidiarity in the local governance systems. It is indicated that regional disproportions in the development of the territory of Ukraine, the inability to implement the reform on the ground in specific administrative-territorial units, the spread of corruption schemes – all these are the consequences of an ineffective model of local self-government and public administration of regional development, inherited from the Soviet system, which requires fundamental changes. Broad powers for sub-regional units characterise the Polish model of the administrative-territorial structure. However, this model is underpinned by a high level of political activity and community self-awareness. The Latvian experience of decentralisation of power emphasises the basic principle of success: the volunteer approach to the reform’s implementation. In conclusion, it is proved that for the successful implementation of the Ukrainian local self-government reform, the following factors are necessary: firstly, the victory of Ukrainian armed forces against the military aggression of Russia; secondly, the elaboration of a legal framework for the development of local self-government and the support of society; thirdly, qualified personnel capable of continuing the implementation of the local self-government reform.

Janusz Hryniewicz
After partitions of Poland in 1795 its west territory (Wielkopolska) became a part of Prussia. Poland and Prussia were parts of east European complex of economy, but Prussia was more developed and better organized than Poland. During the XIX century Prussian elites were romantically oriented and dealt with bastion policy which was oriented towards defending the Germans against the Slavs. Prussian state played main role in economy and subordinated it to the military oriented goals. Prussian case was extremely popular among Polish elites at the beginning of XX century. At the base of Prussian patterns the Poles learnt that main actor in economy is not individual unit but the state, and Prussian case was the source of inspiration for strong nationally oriented ideology in Poland after 1918. Research on Polish communes proved that impact of Prussia on contemporary development in Poland was rather damaging than uncourageous.
Tomasz Jerzyński, Rafał Smoczyński, Tomasz Zarycki
The paper attempts to analyze the intensity and regional differentiation of uses of the noble heritage and its social reception. It is based on a survey conducted on representative groups of students in the Kraków, Poznań, and Warsaw urban areas. The key question of the study was the scale and reception of the milieu of the direct heirs of the landowning and aristocratic elites in the three main Polish cities. The results point to the largest presence of that group in Warsaw, which may be seen as a paradoxical finding given the image of Warsaw as the most socially open city, with the highest rate of social advance based on meritocratic principles. The paper proposes two interpretations of that phenomenon, in particular one based on the crucial role of the cultural capital in the former Russian zone of the 19th-century Poland. It is also related to the fact that the results point to successful integration of the old feudal elites in the modern intelligentsia elite.
Nataliia Khoma, Ihor Vdovychyn

This study aims to clarify the role of actionism as a peacebuilding tool, identify the advantages and disadvantages of its various techniques (performance, happening, art installation, flash mob, etc.), and evaluate their effectiveness in the urbanized space. The research methodology is based on postmodernism and its comprehension of activism, public action and protest. Anti-war actionism is considered an element of the system of socio-political actionism. It is characterized as a set of spectacular forms of non-violent public protest against armed aggression and its consequences. The expansion of today’s anti-war actionism beyond the narrow artistic environment and its entrance into the broad social dimension is demonstrated. The empirical basis for the conceptualization of anti-war actionism includes two groups of actions: (1) anti-war actions carried out since the 1960s in the United States and Western Europe; (2) anti-war actions carried out in various countries in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The regional features of anti-war actionism under the conditions of armed conflicts and wars are determined, and the advantages and disadvantages of anti-war actionism as a peacebuilding technology are identified within the space of modern cities.

Janusz Hryniewicz
Regional differentiation of the state may be caused by geopolitical factors. Different European states have seen the formation of so-called ideological regions. In Germany, such a region was Prussia and in Poland – East Borderland (Kresy Wschodnie). Both of them were relatively undeveloped, and peripherally situated. These features were accompanied by strong cultural position that is great significance of regional problems in cultural circulation of Germany and Poland. An analysis of long-term processes shows that after Germany’s reunion, Prussian areas play the same economical role as in the 19th century.
Mykola Nazaruk, Volodymyr Khudoba

The aim of the work was to analyse the essence of recreational resources as a component of ecosystem services for the planning and development of recreation within the protected areas of Ukraine. This study highlights the features and essence of the ecosystem services concept. The classification, characteristics and possibilities of cultural ecosystem services usage of protected areas are assessed, and the location and importance of recreational services are emphasized. Theoretical and methodological approaches to the recreational ecosystem services assessment of protected areas were performed using GIS tools. The negative consequences of the Russian Federation military aggression on the protected areas of Ukraine and the ecosystem services decline are considered. The main advantages and obstacles of implementing the ecosystem services concept for planning the recreation development of the Ukrainian nature reserve fund are discussed.

Taras Vasyltsiv, Olha Levytska, Olexandr Rudkovsky

The article addresses the structural–temporal changes in the characteristics of the labour market in the oblasts of the Carpathian region of Ukraine (Lvivska, Zakarpatska, Ivano-Frankivska and Chernivetska) due to the large-scale Russian military invasion of Ukraine. Regional, sectoral and market condition–related changes in the labour market and employment in the region during the war are identified. The article defines the threats to the functioning of the regional labour market, which are related to growing unemployment, increasing pressure on social infrastructure and the domestic labour market, reduction in human resources and the growing trend of relocation of business and skilled workers from the western oblasts of Ukraine to other countries. The policy for social-labour stabilisation of the oblasts in the Carpathian region of Ukraine in conditions of war and post-war recovery is substantiated.

Mikołaj Herbst, Anna Kaliszewska
Many authors claim that regional differences in average student achievements in Poland are partly determined by the cultural factors and cannot be fully explained by uneven spending on education or by reproduction of human capital between generations. The aim of this article is to better understand this phenomenon by studying the institutional aspects of Poland’s education system during its formation back in the 19th century, when Poland remained partitioned between the three empires: Prussian, Russian, and Austrian. It turns out that one fundamental difference between the early education system under the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian rule may concern the degree of social acceptance of the school, teacher status, and the role of education as a lever of social advancement. Another important factor is the perception of educational goals either in terms of acquisition of practical skills, or of personal formation. In this respect, there was a clear difference between Galicia (Austrian partition), where the curriculum was focused on the humanities, and other partitions (particularly Prussia), where schools were more linked to the economy.