Municipal authorities are expected to play a central role in urban climate change adaptation, using urban assets and engaging local stakeholders through both direct command-and-control measures and indirect approaches such as delegation, and civic participation. However, the public responsibility dimension of the mixed governance mode is not yet specified clearly. This article addresses the gap by analysing how a combination of direct and indirect governance approaches can shape the scope and distribution of public responsibility. This is illustrated by comparing actions in urban adaptation plans and recommendations from climate citizen panels. The findings demonstrate that a mixed governance approach is an emerging mode of urban climate governance. However, its configuration varies between official plans and panel recommendations, particularly with regard to the scope of city-led actions and the involvement of other entities.
The reforms driven by New Public Management (NPM) led to the introduction of management principles in local governments, marketisation and outsourcing. They made the greatest impact in the United Kingdom, but were also put in place in other European countries such as Ireland, Sweden, Germany, and – to the least degree – in France (compared to other countries discussed in this paper). There is a risk that NPM-inspired reforms may come to lose sight of the underlying social purpose of public services. NPM has not however become a new, universal model for public sector management. Issues tackled in the debate concerning the reform of public services have moved (mostly in the UK) beyond the concerns of NPM towards the emerging concept of networked community governance.
Local governments in the Western Balkan countries are dependent on central governments’ transfers, with low fiscal autonomy and limited efforts for own-source revenue mobilisation. The paper identifies that besides central government transfers, other significant factors in determining municipal own-source revenues include central and local public investment, current expenditures, human development index, and population density. Municipal own-source revenue is adversely affected by intergovernmental transfers, implying their de-incentivising effect in collecting local revenues. Local capital expenditure is a significant and strong determinant with a higher strength than central government investments, suggesting their importance for local fiscal autonomy. The human development index as a composite measure, unlike GDP per capita, positively affects the municipal fiscal autonomy.
Human resource management (HRM) studies have been continuously developed to serve as a reference for enhancing the quality of public services. This includes the case in local government where it is important to have highly competent resources, because civil service personnel are the door that deals directly with local communities. Using bibliometrics and analysing previous research coherently, this study focuses on identifying the development of HRM discussions on local governance at the global level, both in developed and developing countries. As a result, although in general, the topics raised included managerial and personnel issues. There are certain issues raised by developed countries, such as innovation to contemporary social issues. Meanwhile, in developing countries discussed challenges faced by local governments in managing their resources. This study contributes to the development of HRM concern-mapping in local government globally and can be used as a reference for increasing the capacity of human resource management in local government.
The article describes the perceived burden of transaction costs in externalising three local services in Poland – transport, care services and water and sewage services. The tool for interpreting the results of the empirical study is the concept of transaction costs concerning the difficulties of monitoring services. The article poses questions about which of the analysed monitoring costs are perceived by local government officials as more painful and how this perception differs between the organisational forms of public service provision. The study found that contracts with a public agent are perceived as more expensive than contracts with a private agent. Administrative agreements and purchases from other local governments are important tools for providing services in Poland; they are used to adjust the structure used to provide the service to the size of the market and the resources needed to provide a given service. The effective monitoring of these contracts is a crucial element in building the quality of governance in Poland.
The French territorial system is marked by a historical very large communal dispersion. Strangely the French State, although considered very strong, has never managed to impose the merger of these municipalities, as was the case in most other European countries. This resistance of local elected representatives, often also national parliamentarians, then led the central government to use another strategy: their grouping in public institutions of intermunicipal cooperation (EPCI). The creation of the Metropolis of Lyon is, therefore, very original. Created by the law of 27th January, 2014, it is the only “metropolis” with the status of territorial collectivity and merges on its territory the Rhône department and the former “urban community” of Lyon. This metropolis is thus unique in France, and the authors will tend to verify whether it could serve as a model to follow by other metropolises, considering the case of the first institutionalised metropolis in Poland, namely the GZM Metropolis, which is struggling with structural problems. The GZM Metropolis was established in 2017 by the Polish Parliament’s law and provided with a specific governance regime comparable to the “manager and council model” and decision-making based on a double majority of the municipalities and population. After the first five years of functioning, the leaders of this first Polish metropolis seem to be ready to adjust their metropolitan institutions, understanding its limits and searching for inspiration at the international level.
This paper aims to explain the organisation and functioning of local governance based on the legal infrastructure of Kosovo and the efforts of its institutions to accommodate international pressure under the existing legal infrastructure, which was specifically created according to international law and international demands. Kosovo has implemented asymmetric decentralisation, through which new special municipalities have been created for minorities, with a specific emphasis on the Serb minority. This was undertaken with the aim of integrating minorities into Kosovo’s constitutional-political system; this objective has been realised quite well, with the exception of four municipalities in the north of Kosovo. All minorities are well integrated, including the Serb minority living in the south of Kosovo. However, pressure for the creation of an Association of Serb Municipalities continues, despite the request for such an association violating Kosovo’s system and constitution, which were created in line with international law and international demands. After elaborating on the Kosovo system, this study will explain certain agreements that, had they been non-ambiguous, would have helped and strengthened Kosovo’s constitutional and political system. A combined methodology, followed by legal, historical, and teleological analyses, supported the authors in achieving the study’s.
Cities are becoming more important actors in the international arena because they have competencies that enable them to conduct foreign activities. This phenomenon is the result of far-reaching processes of globalisation and the pluralisation of actors in international relations. This study presents a map of partnerships between six Croatian and two Slovenian cities and their Chinese and American partners, as well as a description of the thematic areas of such cooperation. Moreover, based on the results of our survey, we indicate similarities and differences in the patterns of cooperation between the cities of the Western Balkans and their foreign partners, referring to the multilevel governance theory.
This study evaluates the impact of Poland’s 2017 education system reform on secondary schools in Warsaw. The reform eliminated middle schools, restored K-8 primary schools, and shortened the duration of common compulsory education from nine to eight years. Using a quasi-experimental design comparing two cohorts transitioning under different systems, we investigate changes in school segregation and student sorting. We found that the reform reduced school segregation, with the share of test score variance attributable to between-school at end of middle/K8 education decreasing from 38% to 25%. However, K-8 graduates entered an equally stratified secondary education system, reflecting persistent inequalities in access to high-quality schools. These results highlight the reform’s mixed success: although it successfully balanced academic achievement levels among 15-year-old students during primary education, selective admission practices continued to sort students by ability at the upper secondary level.
This article explores the legal nature, classification, and fiscal role of parafiscal charges in the system of local public finance in Ukraine. It identifies the main features of such instruments, analyses their divergence from classical tax and non-tax revenues, and evaluates their practical use by local authorities. Comparative insights from selected European countries are provided. The study reveals significant legal uncertainty and risks of uncontrolled fiscal pressure at the local level, offering recommendations for clearer regulation and alignment with relevant European standards in the broader context of fiscal decentralisation, local governance reform, and sustainable development of territorial communities.
The article examines the integration of the video game sector into regional innovation policy in Poland, using Greater Poland [Pol. Wielkopolska] as a case study. The analysis focuses on the relationship between the expansion of the game development (‘gamedev’) industry and the priorities of the Smart Specialisation Strategy (RIS 2030). The mixed-method approach was employed, combining quantitative analysis (data on microenterprises, students, and graduates by ISCED fields) with qualitative research (a review of educational offerings and infrastructure supporting the sector). The study is complemented by a content analysis of the RIS strategy and the mapping of potential links between the video game sector and the existing regional specialisations. The findings reveal the presence of a well-developed yet spatially concentrated gamedev ecosystem in the region, alongside its absence from formal innovation policy frameworks. The article concludes with proposed integration scenarios and recommendations for future directions of support for the video game sector within the RIS.
The article discusses the involvement of the US federal government in the policy of urban development in the years 1965-2012. The implementation paradox, understood as a limited ability to achieve national policy objectives as a result of the empowerment of potential adversaries, and the changing views of the successive presidents on federalism were considered crucial in explaining the discussed issue. The following categories have been used: federalism, orientation and instruments of development, and financial outlays for development. Orientation and instruments of development have been presented on the basis of selected federal programmes addressed to cities, and outlays – based on federal budgets. Three generations of public policy implementation theories constitute the theoretical framework of the study. In conclusion, the author points to the withdrawal of the federal government and the growing importance of state authorities in urban development policy.
The paper refers to sublocal units within metropolitan governance, focusing on Wrocław in the context of multi-level governance and good governance. In Poland, such units function as ancillary units of municipalities (gminy). The paper describes their legal status and functioning within the Polish territorial government and discusses selected urban districts (powiaty). The analysis is based on legal acts and interviews with people involved in the local and sublocal government in Wrocław. The organisation of metropolitan governance based on smaller units is an efficient solution applied in cities worldwide, however, in the case of Wrocław, the borough model leaves a broad potential to develop this element of municipal management structure. Currently, a clear concept of their role in the city is needed.
The author explores the problem of territorial reorganization of the metropolitan area within the Canadian evolutionary federal system, taking as an example the cities of Toronto and Montreal. The results of the research indicate that adaptation strategies, applied by states aiming at empowering the metropolis, depend on the general level of the territorial units’ autonomy. The existence of strong local self-government favours creation of intercommunal cooperation structures without dissolution of current local territorial units. Territorial reorganization in the case of states with a low level of local autonomy may facilitate elimination of former local units by theirs amalgamation in new, larger metropolitan self-government structures. As far as this context is concerned, Canada constitutes a very interesting study case. Taking into consideration Canadian evolutionary federal system, highly limited local autonomy of the cities, and its mix of European and American traditions, one can observe almost all the above-mentioned dimensions of reform and adaptation strategies. Advanced and institutionalized intercommunal cooperation, developed in Toronto and Montreal in the middle of the 20th century, was interrupted by amalgamation imposed by provincial government, which resulted in creation of new, enlarged metropolitan cities of Toronto in 1998 and Montreal in 2002. In both cases the amalgamation has not been accepted by a part of the population and destabilized cooperation in these metropolitan areas. The trouble with amalgamation led to abandonment of further structural and territorial reforms, which were replaced by functional ones, taking the form of special agreements between Toronto and Montreal and their respective provinces (Ontario and Quebec), giving them both new competences and financial resources. Regardless of any difficulties in pursuing an appropriate metropolitan regime and the suitable position for the metropolis in the structure of a political and territorial system, both cities have achieved strong economic performance and high quality of life.
The JESSICA initiative was set up to provide a more sustainable and efficient response to the needs of urban areas, as compared to non-repayable grants. Anchored in the literature on place-based policy and territorial cohesion, this paper addresses the question how the JESSICA funds were allocated among Polish cities – whether, intuitively, only to key urban centres, or to smaller cities as well. The results illustrate that the repayable assistance of JESSICA was dispersed throughout the regions, although the degree of dispersion remains mixed across them. Almost half of the JESSICA funds was transferred to small and medium-sized cities. It was also found that the bulk of the assistance went to the projects that were implemented in cities situated within metropolitan areas of the regional capital cities.
Civil servants are frequently described as being separate from politicians in good local governance. Regrettably, civil servants are urged to assist in the maintenance of power through the use of social capital. In Indonesia, decentralisation facilitates the accumulation of social capital. However, a body of literature has established that social capital is a predictor of the bureaucracy’s quality. This study delves into something else by examining how social capital fosters a mutually beneficial relationship between the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) and the incumbent, resulting in the ASN’s non-neutrality in Regional Head Elections (Pilkada). We used a qualitative case study approach, within which we interviewed members of the civil apparatus about social capital and its relationship to the performance of the State Civil Apparatus. The findings indicated that the ASN’s lack of neutrality in the Pilkada occurred as a result of the establishment of social capital relations between superiors and the ASN in the form of information channel relationships (paternalism and/or nepotism culture), obligations and expectations (the ASN’s contribution to the incumbent), norms and effective sanctions (superiors’ invitation), as well as adjusted community organisations (weak community control).
The article considers the peculiarities of local government reform based on the examples of Ukraine, Poland, and Latvia. It is substantiated that the Ukrainian vector of European integration requires the implementation of the principles of deconcentration, decentralisation, and subsidiarity in the local governance systems. It is indicated that regional disproportions in the development of the territory of Ukraine, the inability to implement the reform on the ground in specific administrative-territorial units, the spread of corruption schemes – all these are the consequences of an ineffective model of local self-government and public administration of regional development, inherited from the Soviet system, which requires fundamental changes. Broad powers for sub-regional units characterise the Polish model of the administrative-territorial structure. However, this model is underpinned by a high level of political activity and community self-awareness. The Latvian experience of decentralisation of power emphasises the basic principle of success: the volunteer approach to the reform’s implementation. In conclusion, it is proved that for the successful implementation of the Ukrainian local self-government reform, the following factors are necessary: firstly, the victory of Ukrainian armed forces against the military aggression of Russia; secondly, the elaboration of a legal framework for the development of local self-government and the support of society; thirdly, qualified personnel capable of continuing the implementation of the local self-government reform.
Social councils (SCs) are local collegial actors formally created by local authorities as consultative bodies for different policy issues. The main objective of this article is to define the role of SCs in collaborative governance (CG). The paper is based on the quantitative research conducted in 65 Polish cities. The research is focused on the members of youth, senior citizen councils, and councils for residents with disabilities. The research results indicate that SCs meet many of the prerequisites of CG, however their potential to influence decisions and consensus seeking has not been entirely proven.
This article examines the development planning process in the Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State of Ethiopia and identifies factors influencing its effectiveness. A mixed-methods approach was employed, with data collected from 365 civil servants through surveys and 19 key informant interviews. Multistage stratified random sampling ensured representation across the regional, zonal, and woreda levels. The quantitative data were analysed using binary logistic regression, while the qualitative data were analysed thematically. The results revealed weaknesses such as a top-down approach, weak situational analysis, poor monitoring, and exaggerated reporting. The determinants of planning failure, measured as odds ratios, included infrastructure inaccessibility (OR = 4.4), inadequate financial allocation (OR = 6.8), lack of stakeholder participation (OR = 8.8), political instability (OR = 2.6), and weak innovative capacity (OR = 6.3). The study calls for a pragmatic planning approach that emphasises strong local stakeholder involvement to improve regional development planning.